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Vague articles in information law gives rise to concern | The Jakarta Post

Thursday, April 15, 2010

A member of the Press Council, Wina Armada Sukardi, said on Monday in a discussion at the Press Council office in Jakarta that some of the articles could possibly criminalize the work of the press.

He cited Article 51, which stipulates that institutions or persons using information in an “unlawful manner” would face one year in prison and/or a maximum fine of Rp 5 million (US$544).

“There is no fixed definition of ‘unlawful manner’ so the press will be prone to criminalization,” he said.
Another speaker at the discussion, Mas Ahmad Santosa, a member of the Judicial Mafia Taskforce, said that there were also some requirements in the law that could make its implementation difficult.

“The person or institutions demanding information have to state the purpose of their request for information,” he said.

He continued that the law also gave room for public institutions to reject requests if the information had not been documented.

Quick blogging. Three interesting issues are raised here: (1) use of 'unlawful' information, (2) statement of purpose on using information and (3) the exemption clauses. I have discussed exemption clause on my previous article. I will discuss the rest later.

Marquette Law School adds new course to curriculum

Wednesday, April 14, 2010

Logo of Marquette UniversityImage via Wikipedia









Water law rising as a new  practice area

Marquette Law School adds new course to curriculum


June 22, 2009

Over the next decade, legal questions over the use and conservation of the state’s water supply are expected to multiply like the boats that dot the 15,000 lakes in Wisconsin each summer.
According to attorneys who handle water-related issues as part of their practices, concerns over how water is used and who has access will grow as the population increases and the climate changes.
Coupled with recent regulatory efforts such as the Great Lakes Compact of 2008, which seeks to divide and limit water use among the eight states touching the Great Lakes and the Canadian Provinces of Ontario and Quebec, and recent bids by suburban areas in Wisconsin to import water from Lake Michigan, these developments are fueling an emerging practice area — Water Law.
“This is a cutting edge area of the law,” said Matthew Parlow, a professor at Marquette University Law School. “Water usage will be one of the major legal issues of the next few decades.” 
It is interesting to see that even in the US, a water law curriculum in law school is relatively new.
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The nature of the Indonesian Blasphemy Law

Tuesday, April 13, 2010

No more: Blasphemy Laws!Image by helen.2006 via Flickr
In human rights conventions, religion tends not to be protected ipso facto. If there are limitations to the freedom of speech and expression, this limitation is aimed at preserving public order. So the human rights conventions does not protect religion, but protect the followers in practising their beliefs and can restrain those freedoms if public ordre is threatened.

However, in the worlds' blasphemy laws, this is not always the case. Some jurisdictions protects religion as it is, irrespective of any public order arguments. Along with the ongoing judicial review of the Blasphemy Law at the Constitutional Court, my working paper tries to outline this debate. I copy-paste below, a paragraph in my working paper.
Article 156a of the Indonesian Criminal Code contained a criminal provision of 5 years of imprisonment for those “who deliberately, in public, which in essence sparked hostility, insulting or abusive views towards religions with the purpose of preventing others from adhering to any religion based on God.”. This Article has been ambiguous with respect to its criminalization theory as there are doubts as to whether it is motivated by Religionschutzstheorie or public order reasons. Judging from its position in the Criminal Code, Article 156a is placed in Chapter V of the Criminal Code which regulates the crimes against public order, along with Article 156 which criminalizes those who spark hatred against others. However, if seen from the content, the Article does not contain any condition which suggest that it will be activated only if carried out in a manner which disturbs the public peace such as the German’s § 166. Thus, Article 156a could be enforced irrespective of whether the insult caused public peace to be disturbed, or whether it would injure the feeling of religious adherents or not. To give a concrete example, Article 156a could be activated although the offence is conducted before persons who are not an adherent of any religion.[1]

The ambiguity of Article 156a has been acknowledged by Prof. Seno Adji with him proposing it to be reformed so that it can fully protect religion. It was proposed that Article 156a should be reconstructed and removed from Chapter V as it is clear that its content is in protecting religion, irrespective of public order.[2] However, even without this modification, in practice Article 156a has been very extensively applied so as to cover cases involving both public order and non public order. With these facts, it can be inferred that the interpretation and application of Article 156a leaned toward Religionschutzstheorie rather than Friedenschutzstheorie or Gefühlschutzstheorie.

Download the full paper here. What do you think about this analysis?

Have a look also at my op-ed article and previous blog posts.









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National Science Foundation (NSF) Logo, reprod...Image via Wikipedia
Northeastern to host Global Regulation of Nanotechnologies conference in Boston, May 7 to 8 (Nanowerk News) Leading international experts on the global regulation of nanotechnologies, including scientists, lawyers, ethicists and officials from governments, industry stakeholders, and NGOs will join in a two-day conference May 7-8, 2010 at Northeastern University’s School of Law.
The conference will identify best practices that address the needs of industries, the public and regulators. Speakers include representatives from the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency, the Brazil Ministry of Science and Technology, the Korean governent, the International Conference of Chemicals Management and National Science Foundation-funded university-industry collaborations.

Looks like an interesting conference folks...

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New Dates for Dialogue with Business Leaders and Regulators at EPSCA Forum, 6-8 July 2010

82410 - Official Brochure v7.pdf (593 KB)
View this on posterous

Due to new developments, EPSCA Forum is moved to a new date 6-8 July 2010. Following is the excerpt of the email I received:
 

Last week, a major development has occurred where major support from Dr Evita Legowo, Director-General – Oil & Gas, Ministry of Energy, had been cemented which will bring us closer to the forum’s raison d'être, Reformed, Energetic and Efficient E&P Industry in Asia Pacific through fresher, commercially viable E&P agreements, and increased certainty on regulations, risks and returns from E&P investments in Asia, especially Indonesia.

Hence, I was informed this evening that the EPSCA Forum will be moved to its new date on 6-8 July 2010 in view of this major positive development, which would be a great opportunity for all delegates to have an exceedingly impactful meeting with colleagues and regulators. 

Due to the definitive importance of new regulatory developments in Indonesia pertaining to upstream contracts and the push for more commercially viable arrangements for technically complex plays, major upstream players and other investors have confirmed to join us at this important meeting. We may also get the players who are recently involved or interested in making money out of these technically complex upstream opportunities. We suggest you may want to conduct some interviews on site if you will be sending a representative, as the combination of delegates, speakers, partners and sponsors is very unique and rarely found at one place.

 

Please find the revised brochure attached.

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Welcoming the freedom of information law | The Jakarta Post

Monday, April 12, 2010

Welcoming the freedom of information law

Mohamad Mova Al ‘Afghani ,  Dundee, UK   |  Sat, 04/10/2010 9:42 AM  |  Opinion

“Sunlight is said to be the best of disinfectants; electric light the most efficient policeman” (Justice Louis D Bran-deis, On Other People’s Money and How the Bankers Use it, 1933, Chapter V).

Not so many people know that next May, the Freedom of Information (FoI) law will come into effect.

This law will have tremendous implications in increasing transparency in government operations and to a certain extent, the business world.

The central idea of the FoI law is to bring government “into the sunlight”. The “sunlight” will allow the governed to observe clearly government operations that are otherwise performed in secrecy. Because they will be watched, it is expected that the public officials will behave accordingly.

The FoI law provides everyone, irrespective of their motives, a right of access to information held by public bodies.

The understanding of “public bodies” in our FoI law varies from all governmental branches in the executive, judiciaries and the legislative, to political parties, state-owned enterprises, non-governmental organizations and other legal entities receiving funding from the state or regional budget.

Not all information can be disclosed, however. The FoI law provides a restrictive list of information which could be exempted from disclosure.

Compared to FoIs in other countries, the list of exemptions in the Indonesian FoI law is very narrowly constructed.

This means that the exemption to disclosure only applies to very few types of information such as that related to defense, intelligence, law enforcement, intellectual property rights, personal information and diplomatic relations.

Other than the limited and narrowly construed exemption clauses, what makes our FoI more “generous” compared to other countries’ FoI laws is also the fact that there is an obligation to apply public interest testing to each and every exemption clause.

Other countries’ FoI laws, such as the English and Scottish laws recognize two types of exemptions: absolute and relative. If the exemption type is absolute, such as that related to security matters, the English FoI law requires no public interest testing.

The Indonesian FoI law, however, recognizes no absolute exemption. This means that a public interest test would be mandatory in any case.

What this means is that the exemptions to defense, intelligence and diplomatic relations as discussed previously are not absolute. If the Information Commission considers that there is a greater interest for transparency rather than keeping the information secret, the information should be disclosed, even though it is a security matter or even if such a disclosure is prohibited in other acts.

Is this a good thing? It depends on where you are standing. Imagine that because there is no absolute exemption clause in the legislation, one can actually submit an information request to the State Intelligence Agency, the financial intelligence unit (PPATK), the Central Bank and even private banks if they are state-funded.

If they fail to provide, one can always appeal to the Information Commission to ask for the application of a public interest test.

That being said, the Information Commissions (central and regional, depending on the case), actually have the discretionary power to decide on the fate of information in all branches of the government.

Their jurisdiction covers all departments, with respect to all types of information, without any exception.

Given that vast responsibility, the Information Commission may face complexities in settling disclosure cases. They will have to decide whether information such as defense contracts to purchase arms, the utilization of foreign funds to finance counter terrorism units, a company’s tax reports, governmental procurement contracts and diplomatic correspondences contain a certain public interest that warrants public disclosure.

Due to the fact that no single governmental department is free of corruption, one could expect that a public interest for disclosure could be found in a great number of cases. The pressures toward nondisclosure from the bureaucrats would be enormous. It is in this respect that civil society’s role is vital.

Although in the preceding paragraphs I have pointed out that our FoI law is “generous”, the vague constructions of the clauses still open gaps for the government to tamper with its enforcement, such as through the creation of nontransparent implementing regulation which may defeat the original object and purpose of the FoI.

It would be the ministry of communication and information that is tasked with the formulation of Peraturan Pemerintah (Government Regulations).

If this tendency toward openness is to be maintained, civil society needs to pay attention so that the enactment of the implementing regulations are transparent themselves and that the public is involved in the decision-making process.

It is possible that the exemption clauses within the FoI law are “further reinterpreted” in the implementing regulation which in practice will allow more constrain to disclose requests.

To anticipate such a maneuver, I consider that for the majority of FoI issues, the implementing rule should be constructed from the ground up based on guidelines and case law, rather than top-down through Peraturan Pemerintah.

Give the information commission its autonomy to formulate guidelines through research, public consultations and discussion groups.

Let the parties argue their case before the information commission and courts and let the law evolve from this.

There are two reasons for this. First, it is because as I have argued above, there is much incentive for the government to be secretive.

The bureaucracy has an inevitable interest toward opacity in the interest of sustaining corruption and
collusion.

It is not likely that they can be expected to produce what Justice Brandeis termed above as a “disinfectant”. Thus, it is necessary to bring the law down to the people.

Second, learning from abroad, disclosure cases are settled on a case-by-case basis. The general principal only arises after factual cases are presented and argued before a tribunal.

Even up until today, there has been no one set of methodology for information commissions in other countries in balancing public interest in exemption clauses.

The idea of the FoI law is to allow the governed to observe clearly government operations that are otherwise performed in secrecy.

 
The writer is the founder of the Center for Law Information (CeLI).

My latest op-ed in JP.

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The human right to water is not a property right

Sunday, April 11, 2010

Recent developments in the right to water saga points out the unlikelihood of the human right system to pinpoint the exact amount of litres as the 'minimum core' on the right to water. Instead, the system leans towards 'reasonableness' approach. According to the Water Law Blog:

Thus, the ex ante standard setting required by the materialisation of a determinate minimum core for human rights to water inevitably leads to the theoretical acceptance of exceptional situations where more water than actually required to cover basic human needs must be provided to a specific individual, BUT ALSO to situations where less water that actually required to cover basic human needs will be provided to a specific individual.

I can't agree more with this approach. The human right to water is not a property right. Property rights follows a 3D rule: defineable, defensible and defeasible. If you want to sell me a land, your certificate better show me the exact boundaries of your property, and that no lien, mortgage or any other forms of encumberances follows. Thus, property rights must be exactly defined. But human rights is anything near that. Even with negative rights. You may ask, how defineable is the freedom of speech? Depends on where you live. If you live in Texas, you can burn any effigies and insult any deities you like. 

The human right to water is exactly like that. Fifty litres per day will make you a dignified person in New York or in London. But if you choose to live a nomad life like the Touareg or the Bedouine, perhaps 50 litres per day won't make your camel go anywhere.