Dilema Kepemimpinan Kultus

Thursday, May 4, 2017

Dilema Kepemimpinan Kultus

Mohammad Jibriel Avessina
                     
         (Analis Politik, Center for Regulation,Policy and Governance)    

Praktik kepemimpinan kultus kerapkali  dilaksanakan sebagai strategi kebudayan yang dilakukan oleh gerakan spiritualisme baru ataupun gerakan sosial budaya baru . Dalam konteks ini kepemimpinan kultus  disusun untuk mempertahanakan  struktur yang dibentuk dari satuan sosial yang terikat atas komitmen nilai ataupun pandangan  yang mutlak. Maka lazim kita temukan pemimpin-pemimpin kultus berangkat dari kelompok-kelompok subkultur marjinal yang mengisolasi diri,menjaga jarak dari kultur-kultur  yang lebih dominan secara sosial.

Namun demikian, tidak seluruh  kepemimpinan kultus,berangkat dari kelompok sosial yang kecil. Kepemimpinan kultus dapat saja muncul dari arus  mainstream  kultur yang dominan secara sosial,tatkala keadaan turbulensi sosial hadir di dalam masyarakat (Maisntream), kepemimpian kultus jeli melihat peluang dalam  mengeksplorasi  tanda tanda disintegrasi sosial berupa potensi konflik laten yang tajam antar golongan di masyarakat (Zellner,1998) . Kajian yang dilakukan  William Zellner dalam bukunya Sects, Cults, and Spiritual Communities (1998),dapat kita simpulkan empat karakteristik  kepemimpinan kultus.

Pertama Karakter kepemimpinan kultus ditandai oleh  pesona pribadi yang kuat  dengan memberikan tawaran janji pembaharuan radikal atau janji pemurnian ,murni atas nilai dan kesepakatan sosial yang dianggap telah jatur dan tercemar di Masyarakat, sehingga mengundang arus simpati dan decak kagum di masyarakat.

Kedua, Pemimpin kultus mampu mengeksplorasi  rekayasa atribut identitas sosial dengan baik sehingga menciptakan ketergantungan para pengikutnya yang berasal dari latar belakang lanskap sosial yang beragam atas pemimpin kultus berikut struktur yang telah dibangunnya.

Ketiga, pemimpin kultus biasanya memberikan kewajiban cara pandang,perspektif tunggal tertentu yang patut dijadikan pedoman doktrin mutlak dalam kehidupan spiritual dan sosial budaya, cara pandang tunggal semacam ini tentu saja menutup mata atas beragam kritik sosial maupun keberagaman pendapat yang berbeda dalam kehidupan bermasyarakat,maka tidak mengherankan  pengikut yang terikat oleh  pemimpin kultus cenderung berlaku agresif dan memendam curiga terhadap  atas segala pilihan perbedaan pendapat dan kritik kritik sosial yang ditujukan bagi sang pemimpin kultus.

Keempat pemimpin kultus membentuk mekanisme kontrol sosial Reward and Punishment yang ketat. Mekanisme ini biasanya dibentuk  untuk mengatur dinamika internal kalangan pengikutnya yang kuat untuk menjamin loyalitas dan perilaku para pengikut pemimpin kultus agar senantiasa tunduk secara absolut dengan kehendak pemimpin kultus.             

Kepemimpinan Kultus dalam arena politik

Secara kultural, dalam arena politik Indonesia narasi tentang kepemimpinan kultus telah lama  eksis. Kepemimpinan kultus,  kerapkali dilekatkan sebagai    solusi  di mata rakyat (Popular Grassroot)  dalam  menentukan kepemimpinan politik pada kondisi yang penuh ketidakteraturan sosial yang tidak menentu. Praktik kepemimpinan kultus yang masuk dalam arena politik misalnya dapat dilihat dari populernya di kalangan rakyat jelata mitos tentang  pola kepemimpinan  Ratu adil dan Satrio piningit, sosok yang muncul di dalam masyarakat sebagai aktor pengikat tunggal  integrasi sosial yang menawarkan suatu tatanan zaman yang baru. Zaman yang tenteram sejahtera, setelah tatanan sosial lama telah rusak,oleh “Goro-goro” yakni suatu kondisi ketidakteraturan sosial yang diwarnai dengan beragam pertikaian internal di Masyarakat. Mitos ini begitu populer ditengah tengah masyarakat, ada semacam penantian dan pengharapan akan muncul pemimpin-pemimpin semacam ini pada periode-periode tertentu yang penuh gejolak sosial.  Dalam konteks ini dapat kita pahami bahwa praktik-praktik kepemimpinan kultus sebagai strategi kebudayaan  yang muncul dalam periode tertentu diam diam mendapatkan dukungan yang cukup kuat dari akar rumput.

Maka dapat kita pahami bahwa pemimpin  di masa lalu kerapkali  terjerumus dalam mode  praktik kepemimpinan kultus. Praktik kepemimpinan kultus dilakukan sebagai alternatif strategi kebudayaan untuk menggalang dukungan  sentimen sosial untuk meraih dan mempertahankan kekuasaan. Maka tidak heran bila pemimpin-pemimpin terdahulu  mengenggam sirkuit kekuasaan dalam waktu yang cukup lama,berkisar antara belasan tahun hingga puluhan tahun lamanya. Organisasi-organisasi sosial dan politik justru muncul sebagai pionir pemujaan atas figur pemimpin secara akut. Gelar-gelar adiluhung disematkan pada dada pemimpin-pemimpin tedahulu.  Sebagai pelengkap, Kidung-kidung nyanyian  digubah sebagai refleksi pemujaan atas pemimpin yang kerap dipertontonkan rutin dalam acara acara seremonial.        

Pada dekade tahun 1970-an, kita dikejutkan  oleh berkembangnya  pola birokrasi patrimonial  suatu cita rasa birokrasi  “kebapakan” yang mengedepankan  ikatan ikatan sentimental  personal untuk kepentingan pribadi, kelompok yang menggunakan birokrasi sebagai kontrol  sumberdaya untuk mempertahankan kekuasaan. Kenyataan ini  menunjukan pada kita bahwa   praktik kepemimpinan kultus yang sudah hadir puluhan generasi ternyata mampu adaptif dengan perkembangan kemajuan atas pengetahuan teknik-teknik  organisasi  paling kekinian sekalipun.     
Namun demikian,dampak yang paling merusak dalam praktik kepemimpinan kultus justru muncul ditengah tengah masyarakat. Pemujaan-pemujaan kolosal atas figur-figur pemimpin tertentu yang diikuti dengan ketaatan mutlak atas  pandangan dan sikap sang pemimpin kultus. Demi untuk melaksanakan pembenaran atas keputusan pemimpin kultus,  stigma dan label dilekatkan pada kelompok-kelompok sosial yang berbeda pandangan bahkan berlawanan atas kelompok kelompok sosial yang berkuasa. pada puncaknya fase senjakala kejatuhan para pemimpin pemimpin kultus selalu ditutup oleh “goro-goro” ketegangan-ketegangan sosial yang berujung pada konflik baik laten maupun manifes, selebihnya adalah cerita tentang masyarakat yang terbelah .              

Racun bagi demokrasi.
Kini, hampir dua dekade setelah  reformasi,zaman telah berubah,  kita telah menyaksikan tumbuhnya beragam generasi pemimpin baru. Sistem,struktur  dan kelembagaan politik sudah mulai terbangun dengan matang dan  kokoh dengan hanya memberikan ruang bagi demokrasi sebagai satu satunya prosedur  tata aturan main,  the only game in town. Namun demikian,di luar tatanan struktur politik formal,tanda tanda kepemimpinan kultus kembali menggeliat.
Pemujaan kekaguman terhadap “berhala figur idola”  kembali marak dipraktikan oleh beragam kelompok sosial. Kritik-kritik sosial tak lagi di terima sebagai bagian tradisi dari ruang publik yang sehat, tetapai dimaknai dengan penuh kecurigaan,ancaman serta dianggap upaya untuk menjatuhkan kredibilitas sang “pemimpin idola”. Maka tidak heran, pelan tapi pasti  cara pandang “kacamata kuda” yang memuja cinta  figur-figur “pemimpin idola” begitu  mengakar di masyarakat. Demi untuk menyanjung pemimpin idola, ruang publik diokupasi,didominasi praktik kekerasan simbolik, label dan stigma kerapkali dilekatkan secara brutal pada kelompok kelompok sosial yang dianggap  berbeda pendapat, pandangan atau haluan politik.
Rangkaian batas kultural mulai dibangun dengan menciptakan dikotomi Lover and hater yang populer pada sirkulasi ruang virtual social media. Kondisi ini menandakan fragmentasi politik pada masyarakat yang akut,bukan karena pertarungan atas pilihan-pilihan rasional tentang program, gagasan atau ideologi tapi karena arus kental pemujaan buta atas sosok figur. Dalam sekejap tradisi kritik,berbagi wacana dalam ruang publik lenyap, tak ada ruang konsensus. Secara perlahan tapi pasti diam diam dipupuk  ketidakpercayaan serta antipati kuat atas sistem dan kelembagaan, maka pemimpin idola dipandang sebagai satu satunya jalan untuk mewujudkan sistem berada pada jalan yang dianggap “benar”.Tanpa "kehadiran-Nya" sistem dan kelembagaan dianggap tidak mungkin berjalan dengan baik. Dia tiada mungkin tergantikan, tak ada yang dapat mampu menyamainya.  
Maka, tatkala pemimpin idola tumbang melalui proses pertarungan yang demokratis, kepanikan di mata pengikut pemimpin idola mulai terjadi. Dia yang dianggap tak tergantikan ternyata tumbang. Sirkulasi opini mulai diedarkan untuk menjelaskan bait demi bait dongeng “Kambing hitam” penyebab kekalahannya akibat “konspirasi kaum-kaum kegelapan nan jahat untuk melawan kebenaran”. Ketakutan-ketakutan mulai ditebar di tengah tengah komunitas komunitas  kelompok masyarakat oleh para pengikut pemimpin idola yang kecewa. Pesannya satu, jika Dia tiada memimpin maka tiada terbentuk keteraturan  sosial yang utuh. Hanya Dia yang agung yang mampu melindungi rakyat dari potensi kekacauan sosial. Pada puncaknya, para pengikut pemimpin idola secara kolektif mengekspresikan rasa kegalauan yang begitu meluap  sejadi-jadinya dalam ruang ruang publik untuk melepas sang pemimpin idola pergi.    
Sulit untuk dibantah, realitas kultural semacam ini  menunjukan gejala-gejala tidak sehat munculnya benih benih narasi kepemimpinan kultus di masyarakat. Sejenak kita bersama  perlu merefleksikan kembali,menata ulang bangunan sistem dan kelembagaan demokrasi kita. Gejala  semacam ini mengingatkan kita untuk tidak lengah dalam ruang kultural untuk mengawal nalar publik,  sebab penting  sebagai fondasi untuk mewujudkan bangunan kelembagaan demokrasi kita. Demi publik,untuk republik.      

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Plastic Shopping Bag Levy: One of the Ways to Tackle the Waste Problem?

Thursday, November 3, 2016


CRPG has contributed to the policy discussion regarding the plastic shopping bag levy that was introduced in February 2016 in several cities in Indonesia.  The article, written by Dyah Paramita, was published in the Jakarta Post. The following is an excerpt:

Plastic waste is a problem. It is very difficult to decompose naturally and when it burns, it releases toxins such as dioxins and polycyclic aromatic hydrocarbons (PAHs) that are very harmful for human health and the environment and is linked to the development of cancer. Animals also suffer from the ingestion of plastic. According to the Ministry of Environment and Forestry, the use of plastic bags in Indonesia for the past 10 years is increasing. In the past decade, Indonesians used approximately 9.8 billion sheets of plastic bags per year and almost 95% of them ended up as waste.  Based on a recent study published in the Science Magazine written by Jenna R. Jambeck, the country ranks second (after China) that mismanaged plastic waste followed by the Philippines, Vietnam and Sri Lanka.

In order to handle the growing problem in Indonesia, a policy regarding the shopping plastic bag levy will be imposed on a trial basis.  The policy is geared specifically for consumers shopping in modern markets and retail outlets and will be imposed from February 21, on the National Waste Awareness Day, to June 5, 2016, the World Environment Day. At the completion of the trial phase, the regulatory framework is expected to be completed by June 2016.  The local governments of 23 cities have shown interest in participating in this movement (Jakarta Post  05/02/16). The Ministry of Environment and Forestry (KLHK) has proposed the charge of Rp. 500 per bag. Of this amount, Rp. 200 will be repaid to the consumers who return the plastic bags to the retailers and the rest (Rp. 300) will be used by the retailers and the local municipality to fund environmental activities. However, the price might vary and could range between Rp. 500-Rp. 5000, depending on the local policy (Kompas 26/01/16).

Will the plastic bag levy tackle the waste problem? A plastic bag levy is not a new concept in the environmental field.  Several countries have already introduced this policy, such as Taiwan, Ireland, Hong Kong, Botswana, China and Denmark.

There are different approaches regarding this matter. A levy on plastic shopping bags can be imposed to encourage the change of the consumers’ behavior. In this case, the main goal is to discourage consumers from using plastic bags, which will decrease the amount of litter and reduce the volume of waste going to the landfill. The amount of the levy is intended to deter consumers from using plastic shopping bags and to encourage them to bring their own bag.  Ireland applies this type of levy. The KLHK seems to be proposing similar type of levy combined with the deposit-refund system. The deposit-refund system means when a product, which potentially pollutes the environment, is sold, a deposit should be charged simultaneously. Thus, the deposit will be re-funded when the consumers return the empty containers to the collection points. It is similar to the policy known as the “bottle bill” in the United States. The consumers pay a deposit when they purchase beverage containers and they are refunded their money when they return the empty containers to the retailers or to the designated collections points. One of the objectives of the deposit-refund system is to prevent improper waste disposal.

Another approach is imposing a Pigouvian tax on the plastic bag. The name is taken from the British university professor, Arthur Cecil Pigou who coined the theory. This way, the tax is intended to internalize the external cost of using the plastic bags. The external cost in this sense is the environmental costs, which include pollution, waste problems, and damage to wildlife. To implement this type of tax, there are efforts to calculate the margin of the external costs and determine the optimum level of the tax accordingly. This is also a way to reduce pollution and protect the environment by discouraging excessive consumption of plastic bags. This policy reflects what is called the polluter-pay principle, meaning those who cause pollution should bear the cost of managing it.

See full article here

 

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Asia/Europe International Training Program “Strategies for Chemical Management” Stockholm, Sweden 12 September – 4 October 2016


A CRPG researcher, Dyah Paramita, was selected among 29 other participants from Europe and Asia to be funded for a 3 week training on Strategies for Chemical Management conducted by Swedish Chemical Agency on behalf of the Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency (SIDA). In this program, the participants have learned and discussed several issues such as the importance of chemical management, the use of chemicals, hazard assessment and communication, exposure and risk assessments, risk management, law enforcement, and national development of  chemical management.  In this regards, CRPG develops an action plan to conduct a policy analysis regarding the draft of chemical law and draft revision of the Government Regulation No. 74/2001 on the Hazardous and Toxic Substance Management. The program includes visits to the Swedish Toxicology Science Research Center (Swetox), the Swedish National Food Agency, and the City of Stockholm Environment and Health Administration. 

CRPG's Presentation

 

New Online Course on Gender Mainstreaming in IWRM

Wednesday, August 3, 2016

New Online Course on Gender Mainstreaming in IWRM


At Cap-Net UNDP we are proud to present a new online course on Gender Mainstreaming in IWRM on the Cap-Net Virtual Campus. The course aims to strengthen the capacity of water managers to successfully incorporate gender mainstreaming in their work.
The course will run from 19th September to 23rd November 2016 and is open to a maximum of 40 participants from the entire water sector. To apply to the course, please visit our online application form.

For more information, do not hesitate to contact the campus coordinators with any questions you may have.

Looking forward to seeing you on the Virtual Campus soon!
The Cap-Net UNDP Team

 

Regulation of Community Water and Sanitation (Temporary or Permanent?)

Saturday, July 30, 2016


Picture: water network diagram in Tlanak


One of the most interesting findings in our research is the relationship between community based water services and existing water utilities. We find patterns of cooperation and conflict. One of the underlying reason is the different perception as to whether community based systems should be considered a "temporary" solution or a "permanent" solution. This still cannot be resolved among policymakers:
Our FGD revealed that there are unresolved fundamental differences among regulatory stakeholders, in terms of whether CB should be perceived as a temporary “approach” with the overall intention to integrate it to the PDAM or “institutional” system in the future or whether it stands equally to the existing “institutional” system.[152] This difference has created tensions and confusion in practice, but more importantly, brings negative impact to policy and regulatory reform.
According to a government official some PDAM consider that CB Watsan is a temporary solution in their business plan – thus Community watsan network is regarded as parts which can be co-opted and taken over, since PDAM considers that the only one who is entitled to provide services are PDAM and the rest can only provide services through concession with PDAM.[153]
In addition, community watsan projects may, to some extent, contravene the exclusive natural-legal-local monopoly granted to PDAM. Furthermore, there is indication that some successful community watsan intitiative have grown large in a way that could match or even surpass existing PDAM.[154] How these community watsan initiatives could coexist with existing PDAMs or – to maintain the economies of scale – be merged with or acquire existing PDAMs is a problem yet to be solved. 
The importance of modeling behaviors and future development in order to develop understanding of the relationship between PDAM and CB was a common response across the FGD. Two fragment-scenarios may be a suitable approach to be able to foresee regulatory developments. The first is to view community watsan as a “temporary” entity which exist only for a certain period and can be “annexed” by PDAM for certain reason such as economic scale or environmental conditions such as surface water quality in which CB model would no longer be compatible and larger scale investment would be required for treatment. The temporary approach is consistent with existing regulation -- since existing laws considers that the only one who is entitled to provide services are State or Regional Owned Enterprises -- whilst the other may only provide services in concession with PDAM. If this scenario is to be taken, then regulatory reform should focus on short term solutions with the overall objective of integrating the whole system to PDAM.
The second scenario is to perceive CB as a completely different model that can develop, expand and supersede PDAM or other “institutional” system. CB is thus treated equally with “institution”. As, at present, there is no CB model above district [Kecamatan] level, this model would be quite speculative. In this model, the regulatory framework should acknowledge the diversity of models in services provision and allow either CB or institutional model to acquire each other. FGD participants challenge the conceptual distinction of CB/”institution” based on assets size, coverage or natural monopoly. Thus, in this scenario, the regulatory framework should be able to foresee the CB model transformed into large scale water utility. 

Read the full research report.
Visit project page: Regulation of Community Water and Sanitation.

 

Regulation of Community Water and Sanitation (Problematique)




Photo: Water User Groups at Tlanak Village, Lamongan, East Java





The following is a summary of the problematique chapter of our recent research project on the regulation of community based water and sanitation:

The  government  aims  to  achieve  universal  access  to  water  supply  and  sanitation by 2019. According to some calculations, this ambitious target cannot be fulfilled by relying on  regional  water  utilities  (Perusahaan  Daerah  Air  Minum  or  “PDAM”) alone.  It  is estimated that PDAM can only contribute around 40% of the total target, whereas the other 60% would be expected to come from community‐based systems.  The policy framework for CB Watsan was introduced by the government in 2003. The 2003 National Policy on The Development of Community‐Based Water and Sanitation introduced a duality in Indonesian national water policy: one being “institution‐based” and  the  other  being  “community‐based”.  O 
The  conceptual  problem  surrounding  “community‐based” watsan is on the  definition and delineation between CB watsan and institutional watsan. In the policy framework, the  term  “institution‐based” is  used  to  denote water  services  operated  by  corporate water utilities including PDAM, whereas “community‐based” is used to describe services provided by local communities for their own needs. How communities and institutions are defined,  at  least  in  the  academic  sense,  might  not  be  compatible  with what  is intended by the policy framework.  
There are also inconsistencies and discrepancies in the regulatory framework from the national down to regional and village levels, with regards to the role of CB watsan. The legal framework at the national level appears to favour “institution” based watsan, such as PDAM. Community based Watsan’s role are considered to be residual – in providing access only where “institutional” system cannot serve.  
Within  the community based watsan itself,  there is a major issue with regards  to  the clarity of assets ownership. Our Focus Group Discussion reveals that in some large scale projects,  the  assets  still  belong  to  the  ministry  of  public  works  as  it  has  not  been transferred and thus, is accounted as liability and subsidy. FGD participants agreed that “Assets transfer is Indeed a big homework. The legal frameworks need to be completed.”
Some  community  watsan  activist  considered  that  assets  should  be owned  by  the “communities” whereas according  to another, it should be owned by  the village. The national policy on community‐based watsan on the other hand, advocates “community” ownership  and  suggests  that  a legal  framework  be  conceived  by  the  government  to smoothen  the transfer  of  assets  from  the  government  to  the  “community”.  On  the Pamsimas  program  technical  manual  it  is  suggested  that  it  is  the operation  that  is transferred, but not the asset owenership. 
We also found that there are cases where PDAM systems overlap and compete with CB Watsan.  This  is  caused,  partly  by  the  introduction  of  the  dualist  system  of  watsan services in the 2003 framework. How these community watsan initiatives could coexist with existing PDAMs or – to maintain the economies of scale – be merged with or acquire existing PDAMs is a problem which yet to be solved, let alone, researched.  
The FGD reveals that there are unresolved fundamental differences among regulatory stakeholders, in terms of whether CB should be perceived as a temporary “approach” with  the overall intention to integrate it  to the PDAM or “institutional” system in  the future, or whether is stands equally to the existing “institutional” system.   
There are also problems with respect to service standards and how the government can foster monitoring, supervision and enforcement of such standards through regulatory frameworks.  Community  initiative  and demand‐driven  approach  is  central  to  the community watsan movement. However, this approach is at odds with existing national legal  frameworks requiring  water  and  sanitation  services  to  comply  with  minimum service standards enacted by local government.   
Whether or not similar standards should apply to both government owned water utilities and  community  watsan  is  a  matter  of  debate.  Some interpret  “universal  water provision” in the sense that similar quality, quantity, continuity, affordability should be applicable  to  everyone  and every  service  providers.  However,  such  ideal  standard  is difficult to achieve in Indonesian rural water provision, especially in the remote regions such  as  Nusa  Tenggara  and  Papua. 

Visit Regulation of Community Water and Sanitation project page to download reports.